SOCIAL CRISIS AND FOOD CRISIS: 1968 AND 2011
COLLABORATION IN MY RADIO PROGRAM TODAY FOR TODAY DRIVEN BY NACHO LOZANO DOMINGO TO 30 JANUARY 2011
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au=1418574
Sunday, January 30, 2011
Monday, January 24, 2011
Fake Or Real Breast Images
TUNISIAN LESSONS: THE PATIENCE OF THE PEOPLE OF THE TORT
Everything has a limit to the patience of a people who like the Tunisian suffered 30 years of dictatorship "benevolent" Habib Bourguiba, the father of the nation who fought for the independence of that country. Then came 23 years of the police regime and kleptomaniac who established his Interior Minister after giving a palace coup with the promise to provide "prompt" a democratic regime, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali.
Some lessons to the boat-soon of this movement that is continuing the same day:
1. The dictatorship, or authoritarianism is tolerated by the majority of the population, provided the dissidents will be imprisoned, exiled or killed, until it is combined with impunity, lack of opportunities for personal growth, famine and gall corruptor. The family Trebulsi dictator's wife was sold as a public good could, privatized national resources and made outlandish acts such as sending the presidential plane to Saint Tropez in southern France to bring their children and sisters their favorite ice cream!
2. Authoritarian or dictatorial regime falls when the military decides that it is not worth embarking on a widespread crackdown. Rachid Ammar the commander in chief who refused open fire on protesters rushed the fall of the dictator. As the great French journalist Jean Daniel "If the army gets up power no longer can. In the instant that their disobedience was announced the most insightful realized that Ben Ali was finished." (El País, Sunday 23)
3. No country is genetically or culturally alien to the democratic aspirations. Two French thinkers, Jean Daniel and Henri-Levy first order forcefully say so knowing that much of this skepticism towards Arabs and Muslims regarding their quest for democracy and human rights support has been generated in political circles and intellectuals in developed countries. Bernard Henri Levy, the director of the magazine La Règle Jeu says forcefully: "It takes a lot of contempt for not seeing in this region of the world nothing but lackeys villages left to their exotic lethargy" (El País, 23 January) . 4.The
actors heroism is almost always unexpected. A 26 year old brother of nine and a home run by an abandoned mother, dedicated to the sale of fruits and vegetables, which occasionally took classes especially for the use of computers is attacked by a minor official in a small town predominantly rural region. The officer leading the destruction of peddler because he refused to give the proverbial bite and to add salt to injury slaps. The muchaho goes to the mayor's office to raise a complaint becomes the official finding of yore who told quii was going to pay attention to a nobody. Mohammed left the building Bouzazi bought a 5 liter tank of gasoline and blew himself up in front of two policemen on 17 December. He died on January 4 this year without realizing that it was a folk hero.
5. The movement spread from the periphery to the center of this country, thanks to extensive use of the computer and especially Twitter and Facebook. The most interesting international network of cyber-activists who had brought down ANONYMOUS sites Visa and Mastercard because of his refusal to receive donations for wiki-leaks took action on January 4 attacked the authoritarian government sites and blocked.
6. What is the future of these demonstrations in Tunisia, democratic transformation or Leopard? Veremos.Por and it soon several governments are putting their beards to soak and not only in the Maghreb.
MI
Everything has a limit to the patience of a people who like the Tunisian suffered 30 years of dictatorship "benevolent" Habib Bourguiba, the father of the nation who fought for the independence of that country. Then came 23 years of the police regime and kleptomaniac who established his Interior Minister after giving a palace coup with the promise to provide "prompt" a democratic regime, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali.
Some lessons to the boat-soon of this movement that is continuing the same day:
1. The dictatorship, or authoritarianism is tolerated by the majority of the population, provided the dissidents will be imprisoned, exiled or killed, until it is combined with impunity, lack of opportunities for personal growth, famine and gall corruptor. The family Trebulsi dictator's wife was sold as a public good could, privatized national resources and made outlandish acts such as sending the presidential plane to Saint Tropez in southern France to bring their children and sisters their favorite ice cream!
2. Authoritarian or dictatorial regime falls when the military decides that it is not worth embarking on a widespread crackdown. Rachid Ammar the commander in chief who refused open fire on protesters rushed the fall of the dictator. As the great French journalist Jean Daniel "If the army gets up power no longer can. In the instant that their disobedience was announced the most insightful realized that Ben Ali was finished." (El País, Sunday 23)
3. No country is genetically or culturally alien to the democratic aspirations. Two French thinkers, Jean Daniel and Henri-Levy first order forcefully say so knowing that much of this skepticism towards Arabs and Muslims regarding their quest for democracy and human rights support has been generated in political circles and intellectuals in developed countries. Bernard Henri Levy, the director of the magazine La Règle Jeu says forcefully: "It takes a lot of contempt for not seeing in this region of the world nothing but lackeys villages left to their exotic lethargy" (El País, 23 January) . 4.The
actors heroism is almost always unexpected. A 26 year old brother of nine and a home run by an abandoned mother, dedicated to the sale of fruits and vegetables, which occasionally took classes especially for the use of computers is attacked by a minor official in a small town predominantly rural region. The officer leading the destruction of peddler because he refused to give the proverbial bite and to add salt to injury slaps. The muchaho goes to the mayor's office to raise a complaint becomes the official finding of yore who told quii was going to pay attention to a nobody. Mohammed left the building Bouzazi bought a 5 liter tank of gasoline and blew himself up in front of two policemen on 17 December. He died on January 4 this year without realizing that it was a folk hero.
5. The movement spread from the periphery to the center of this country, thanks to extensive use of the computer and especially Twitter and Facebook. The most interesting international network of cyber-activists who had brought down ANONYMOUS sites Visa and Mastercard because of his refusal to receive donations for wiki-leaks took action on January 4 attacked the authoritarian government sites and blocked.
6. What is the future of these demonstrations in Tunisia, democratic transformation or Leopard? Veremos.Por and it soon several governments are putting their beards to soak and not only in the Maghreb.
Stream I Pod South Park
to bursting, Tunisia
TODAY FOR INTERVENTION IN THE WRADIO TODAY SUNDAY 23 JANUARY 2011
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au=1415132
TODAY FOR INTERVENTION IN THE WRADIO TODAY SUNDAY 23 JANUARY 2011
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au=1415132
Saturday, January 22, 2011
Cambell's Cheesy Chicken And Rice
ONE LEFT VALUES (5)
THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED IN THE DAY OF 22 JANUARY 2011 Rolando Cordera raised in 1988 to "reach a democratic system seems not possible except through a political crisis that broke up the knots authoritarian. " The weakness of the pro-democracy actors and especially the uneven development of the multiple cores corporate authoritarian lead to a second prediction: "would you rather play a" second "political crisis, this time reinforced authoritarianism , which most likely would be installed as the first political crisis resulting from the original. " ( The claim democratic Siglo XXI Ed.)
I think we're headed to a second transition from the special arrangements I have called "Ottoman" parasitic rentier regime and leading to an authoritarian metastases. Given the climate of instability, large swaths of society seem inclined to trade freedoms in exchange for guaranteeing their security and stability. Therefore, this second transition can be a transition back and restore authoritarian centralization. There are actors interested and willing social base to support such a regression.
can also be a progressive transition, ie a transition to expand and consolidate freedom and security. The basis for a progressive transition is in the tissue of a set of political agreements between different actors. Put another way presidential elections , 2012 can not be conceived in key elections and plebiscites as have been raised in both 2000 and 2006. The budget that electoral competition entered the three main actors in both elections was that they would win a majority to govern. Hence the dichotomies in a case democracy / authoritarianism and the other stability / instability in the shape of "danger to Mexico." What we have had divided government has been paralyzed by a series of vetoes.
What both the PAN, the PRI and the PRD have avoided is the alternative. If you can not govern with a majority own, how to govern from a governing coalition? Ie how to govern the social and political pluralism and not against it. The central issue in any future political strategy can no longer afford.
To the left party and social starting point for thinking about a governing coalition with rivals and antagonists, it must be what your own profile. By profile I mean what the left offers a fragmented public, overwhelmed by the uncertainties in employment, health, safety and away from the partisan quarrels.
The profile is constructed from the discourse and has at least three components: which way to propose, by what means we intend to achieve and what we commit ethical foundation against citizens. The course is an image, a dream, a utopia. The media is the proposed program. The ethical foundation is a commitment measured not only in conduct notarial records in ways of doing politics.
The left must be assumed as a left values. With the classical values \u200b\u200bof the modern Left: freedom, justice, respect for diversity, promoting competition and solidarity. But with a central value: the empowerment of individuals, communities and associations. That is against any form of patronage.
The left must commit maximum publicity to their actions and accountability to citizens from their organizations, from government, from the representative bodies.
The left must be committed to good manners in public debate that is summarized in a proposal put forward by Octavio Paz: a profound revolution in Mexico would change the words had forked no respect for that of others.
Thursday, January 20, 2011
Fun Ways To Remember Dr Mrs Vandertramp
LEFTS: THE SECOND TRANSITION
THIS ARTICLE was published in the South, January 19, 2011
The process that goes from 1977 to 1997 combines two types of transformations. On the one hand the political transition through successive electoral reforms especially. On the other hand the transformation of an economy with relatively large government interventions and based on a strategy of import substitution to one that would be based on deregulation, privatization and trade liberalization. But confronted with the leading group at different critical moments, with the dilemma of continuing the economic policy and the new style of development or open political system, chose the latter with the idea that divided oppositions could lead a transition bounded. The sum of these changes in electoral rules however generates profound changes in the correlation of forces: divided government down, alternating in some state governments and finally in 2000 the alternation in government as a result of attempted nacional.Se reactive transition to a growing inability to govern the plurality and fails to resolve a central issue: how to replace the authoritarian axis which is also the hub of governance in the former regime, "presidential supremacy over most dominant party in the informal rules - by another type of institutional arrangement that would ensure good governance in the country.The central argument I have proposed in my last two articles is as follows. As discussed in numerous trials, the old authoritarian regime axis was constituted by the combination of hyper-presidentialism over a hegemonic party more interaction between formal rules established in the Constitution and secondary laws, and a wide range of informal rules and authoritarian powers metaconstitucionales.Este axis as the decade progressed gradually weakened electoral competition was also the axis of the governance of the former regime and was dismantled without giving rise to a new arrangement governance. In this regard I refer to a transition from abortada.Lo that followed 1997 was a continuation of arrangements under the leadership of another party. What has happened has been a consistent decline where disentangling the political center leading to a gradual emancipation and discontinuous both the states as sections of society while operating colonization fringe of the state apparatus or territory for the powers that be. Former players in the heat of this dislocation is rework and play a new role but with the old costume. I think in some union corporations in the new political role of the governors, the unchecked dominance of electronic media and certainly in organized crime. All this is not continuity but a new regime. The decomposition of the old regime expressed in social fragmentation, jibarización state entities and privatization of public spaces created a kind of authoritarian metastases and the emergence of a special-for specific and transient-I call the Ottoman regime, referring to the phenomenon that the British historian Timothy Garton Ash described referring to communist societies in Eastern Europe: "By this I mean in a flexible analogy with the decline of the Ottoman Empire a long and slow process of decay in the course of which observe an unplanned emancipation, gradual and discontinuous both constituent states of the empire of their own societies for their states. (The uses of adversity, 1990: 253). The Ottoman regime is typical of the administration of the decadence that is an oligarchy of political management. This management does not seek broad participation of citizens. On the contrary encourages absenteeism, cynicism and behavior through selective targeting of political messages to different niches citizens. The distinctive emblem of the Ottoman regime is the lack of space leading to binding agreements, alliances, coaliciones.Estamos as in the presence of a strategic requirement. How to operate a new transition from this special scheme to a political system that guarantees security for its citizens, participation in decisions and material and cultural progress for all Mexicans? Rolando Cordera in an article published in 1988 argued that "to achieve a democratic not appear to be feasible, but by a political crisis to dissolve the knots authoritarian and, at the same time, supportive of an amalgamation and an accelerated maturation of 'democratizing actors' whose weakness is now evident .... " Precisely the weakness of pro-democracy actors and especially from the uneven development of various corporate authoritarian nuclei would lead to a second prediction: "Then the scene of political crisis, democratization should be modified with an intermediate station between points other quadrant: it would rather play a 'second' political crisis, this time reinforced authoritarianism (emphasis in original), most likely would be installed as the first political crisis resulting from the original. " (The claim democratic, 1988, Editorial Siglo XXI) From left field to advance the double question in this second transition is how to create spaces and logical links between different social issues with initiatives to reinforce the different profiles of the Mexican left . It is a double question because without unlocking the entire political class is impossible to achieve any progress in the same profile of the left. The policy of quietism, wait until the 2012 elections by creating their own bases of electoral support without any agreement with other forces, is political suicide. To continue on this path will only widen the stagnation, inequality and social tension. Can you set a left pole articulating social struggles, appeal to the middle class and attract important sectors of the business without losing its call center to the classes? Yes, but only from a profound cultural transformation of the left. You need another way to perceive politics. Another way to link the fight parliamentary electoral exercise and social demands. Another form of government with a central purpose: to reduce inequality from the full exercise of democracy. It would involve constructed from left-wing values \u200b\u200bsuch as justice, freedom, tolerance, secularism. Autonomy as a core value as free citizens can only make the fight against inequality a struggle against all forms of discrimination by setting the indispensable bridge between equality and freedom. To put it another way, a form of politics that embodies new ways of relating to people with established powers and among themselves. Left consider the importance of being honest with himself and with citizens
THIS ARTICLE was published in the South, January 19, 2011
The process that goes from 1977 to 1997 combines two types of transformations. On the one hand the political transition through successive electoral reforms especially. On the other hand the transformation of an economy with relatively large government interventions and based on a strategy of import substitution to one that would be based on deregulation, privatization and trade liberalization. But confronted with the leading group at different critical moments, with the dilemma of continuing the economic policy and the new style of development or open political system, chose the latter with the idea that divided oppositions could lead a transition bounded. The sum of these changes in electoral rules however generates profound changes in the correlation of forces: divided government down, alternating in some state governments and finally in 2000 the alternation in government as a result of attempted nacional.Se reactive transition to a growing inability to govern the plurality and fails to resolve a central issue: how to replace the authoritarian axis which is also the hub of governance in the former regime, "presidential supremacy over most dominant party in the informal rules - by another type of institutional arrangement that would ensure good governance in the country.The central argument I have proposed in my last two articles is as follows. As discussed in numerous trials, the old authoritarian regime axis was constituted by the combination of hyper-presidentialism over a hegemonic party more interaction between formal rules established in the Constitution and secondary laws, and a wide range of informal rules and authoritarian powers metaconstitucionales.Este axis as the decade progressed gradually weakened electoral competition was also the axis of the governance of the former regime and was dismantled without giving rise to a new arrangement governance. In this regard I refer to a transition from abortada.Lo that followed 1997 was a continuation of arrangements under the leadership of another party. What has happened has been a consistent decline where disentangling the political center leading to a gradual emancipation and discontinuous both the states as sections of society while operating colonization fringe of the state apparatus or territory for the powers that be. Former players in the heat of this dislocation is rework and play a new role but with the old costume. I think in some union corporations in the new political role of the governors, the unchecked dominance of electronic media and certainly in organized crime. All this is not continuity but a new regime. The decomposition of the old regime expressed in social fragmentation, jibarización state entities and privatization of public spaces created a kind of authoritarian metastases and the emergence of a special-for specific and transient-I call the Ottoman regime, referring to the phenomenon that the British historian Timothy Garton Ash described referring to communist societies in Eastern Europe: "By this I mean in a flexible analogy with the decline of the Ottoman Empire a long and slow process of decay in the course of which observe an unplanned emancipation, gradual and discontinuous both constituent states of the empire of their own societies for their states. (The uses of adversity, 1990: 253). The Ottoman regime is typical of the administration of the decadence that is an oligarchy of political management. This management does not seek broad participation of citizens. On the contrary encourages absenteeism, cynicism and behavior through selective targeting of political messages to different niches citizens. The distinctive emblem of the Ottoman regime is the lack of space leading to binding agreements, alliances, coaliciones.Estamos as in the presence of a strategic requirement. How to operate a new transition from this special scheme to a political system that guarantees security for its citizens, participation in decisions and material and cultural progress for all Mexicans? Rolando Cordera in an article published in 1988 argued that "to achieve a democratic not appear to be feasible, but by a political crisis to dissolve the knots authoritarian and, at the same time, supportive of an amalgamation and an accelerated maturation of 'democratizing actors' whose weakness is now evident .... " Precisely the weakness of pro-democracy actors and especially from the uneven development of various corporate authoritarian nuclei would lead to a second prediction: "Then the scene of political crisis, democratization should be modified with an intermediate station between points other quadrant: it would rather play a 'second' political crisis, this time reinforced authoritarianism (emphasis in original), most likely would be installed as the first political crisis resulting from the original. " (The claim democratic, 1988, Editorial Siglo XXI) From left field to advance the double question in this second transition is how to create spaces and logical links between different social issues with initiatives to reinforce the different profiles of the Mexican left . It is a double question because without unlocking the entire political class is impossible to achieve any progress in the same profile of the left. The policy of quietism, wait until the 2012 elections by creating their own bases of electoral support without any agreement with other forces, is political suicide. To continue on this path will only widen the stagnation, inequality and social tension. Can you set a left pole articulating social struggles, appeal to the middle class and attract important sectors of the business without losing its call center to the classes? Yes, but only from a profound cultural transformation of the left. You need another way to perceive politics. Another way to link the fight parliamentary electoral exercise and social demands. Another form of government with a central purpose: to reduce inequality from the full exercise of democracy. It would involve constructed from left-wing values \u200b\u200bsuch as justice, freedom, tolerance, secularism. Autonomy as a core value as free citizens can only make the fight against inequality a struggle against all forms of discrimination by setting the indispensable bridge between equality and freedom. To put it another way, a form of politics that embodies new ways of relating to people with established powers and among themselves. Left consider the importance of being honest with himself and with citizens
Monday, January 17, 2011
Vespa 2005 Granturismo For Sale
OBAMA'S SPEECH TUCSON
my contribution to the PROGRAM TODAY FOR TODAY WRADIO PAST SUNDAY SUNDAY 16 JANUARY 2011
http://www.wradio.com. mx / programa.aspx? id = 795393 & u = 1411729
AN ARTICLE IN THE DAY ON THE SAME ITEM ON MONDAY 17 JANUARY 2011
The
Obama called President Arturo Rodriguez Balderas
For most political commentators in the United States, President Barack Oba-ma made one of his most important speeches on the occasion of the funeral for the victims of the attack which occurred on January 8th in the city of Tucson, Arizona.
His call for national reconciliation in honor of those who perished and those who remain hospitalized as a result of the attack was intense. Left a deep impression on the thousands who were present at the gym and stadium University of Arizona, as well as the millions who followed radio and television.
was not a partisan speech or had the intention of laying blame for the apparent climate of intolerance in the political arena. It was an elegy in which he emphasized the virtues of those who suffered the aggression and also a reminder that the discrepancy can be found in civilized agreement to resolve common problems.
Without castigating those who have burned the political discourse with bigotry and threats of lynching, described the damage done to the social life who exploit for political differences that have little to do with the essential component of the policy: building agreements.
not take long for the eternal revilers the president, especially in the most conservative, to refute his words through the expedient of excuse to those who have created a climate of intolerance, saying that "others" have also acted in the same way.
Before the presidential address, just a few hours of the attack, some ultra-conservative commentators had already been commissioned to place blame on the other side of the political spectrum. We could not miss Mrs. Sarah Palin, the main head of the conservative movement Tea Party. In a recorded message to fend off accusations that were made responsible for causing the atmosphere of intolerance policy, countered by saying it was the target of a false conviction. Not measure the consequences and offended many when he said the attacks against her was a blood libel, blood libel. The phrase has a negative charge for the Jewish people, because in the Middle Ages, absurdly, they were accused, along with other racial minorities, of using blood from infants for religious rituals.
These outbursts will not be easy to heal the wounds inflicted by a lunatic when, in an appeal for sanity, respond to attacks and attack other references and further inflamed political environment. In any case, there is reason to this and others are justified in the incendiary comments of people like Rush Limbaugh, Glen Beck and Sarah Palin to act violently. Apparently, those who defend tooth and nail the status quo can not find a reasonable enough argument to avoid confusing political adversaries enemies to be destroyed.
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/01/17/index.php?section=opinion&article=021a1pol
my contribution to the PROGRAM TODAY FOR TODAY WRADIO PAST SUNDAY SUNDAY 16 JANUARY 2011
http://www.wradio.com. mx / programa.aspx? id = 795393 & u = 1411729
AN ARTICLE IN THE DAY ON THE SAME ITEM ON MONDAY 17 JANUARY 2011
The
Obama called President Arturo Rodriguez Balderas
For most political commentators in the United States, President Barack Oba-ma made one of his most important speeches on the occasion of the funeral for the victims of the attack which occurred on January 8th in the city of Tucson, Arizona.
His call for national reconciliation in honor of those who perished and those who remain hospitalized as a result of the attack was intense. Left a deep impression on the thousands who were present at the gym and stadium University of Arizona, as well as the millions who followed radio and television.
was not a partisan speech or had the intention of laying blame for the apparent climate of intolerance in the political arena. It was an elegy in which he emphasized the virtues of those who suffered the aggression and also a reminder that the discrepancy can be found in civilized agreement to resolve common problems.
Without castigating those who have burned the political discourse with bigotry and threats of lynching, described the damage done to the social life who exploit for political differences that have little to do with the essential component of the policy: building agreements.
not take long for the eternal revilers the president, especially in the most conservative, to refute his words through the expedient of excuse to those who have created a climate of intolerance, saying that "others" have also acted in the same way.
Before the presidential address, just a few hours of the attack, some ultra-conservative commentators had already been commissioned to place blame on the other side of the political spectrum. We could not miss Mrs. Sarah Palin, the main head of the conservative movement Tea Party. In a recorded message to fend off accusations that were made responsible for causing the atmosphere of intolerance policy, countered by saying it was the target of a false conviction. Not measure the consequences and offended many when he said the attacks against her was a blood libel, blood libel. The phrase has a negative charge for the Jewish people, because in the Middle Ages, absurdly, they were accused, along with other racial minorities, of using blood from infants for religious rituals.
These outbursts will not be easy to heal the wounds inflicted by a lunatic when, in an appeal for sanity, respond to attacks and attack other references and further inflamed political environment. In any case, there is reason to this and others are justified in the incendiary comments of people like Rush Limbaugh, Glen Beck and Sarah Palin to act violently. Apparently, those who defend tooth and nail the status quo can not find a reasonable enough argument to avoid confusing political adversaries enemies to be destroyed.
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/01/17/index.php?section=opinion&article=021a1pol
What Is More Painful Kidney Stones Or Gallstones
ON SOCIAL SHOCK IN TUNISIA
Andrew Sullivan's blog
http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic .com/the_daily_dish/2011/01/could-tunisia-be-the-next-twitter-revolution-ctd-2.html
Jesse Walker Finds the question too narrow. Expands Larison on Walker's argument:
There is no question that protesters made use of Twitter, and it is also quite clear that Twitter was a valuable tool for disseminating information about the revolt, but that doesn’t make the revolt a “Twitter revolution” except in the very narrow sense that more people learned of what happened in Sidi Bouzid more quickly than they would have otherwise. Arguably, this accelerated the escalation and spread of the protests, but there seems to be general agreement that the trigger was Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation and the real causes were widely-shared economic and political grievances. Labeling something a “Twitter revolution” seems to trivialize what we’re talking about, as if other nations’ political struggles can be defined by the technologies and websites that happen to be trendy elsewhere.
Joining the debate, Marc Lynch discusses the synergy between traditional outlets and new media tools like Twitter:
Al-Jazeera and the new media ecosystem did not only spread information -- they facilitated the framing of the events and a robust public debate about their meaning.
... Arabs collectively understood these events quite quickly as part of a broader Arab narrative of reform and popular protest -- the "al-Jazeera narrative" of an Arab public challenging authoritarian Arab regimes and U.S. foreign policy alike. Events in Tunisia had meaning for Jordan, for Lebanon, for Yemen, for Egypt because They Were framed and Understood Within this collective Arab narrative. From al-Jazeera's talk shows to internet forums to the cafes WHERE Them Out People Talk face to face, Tunisia common Became the focal point for debate and Political Arab identity.
Al-Jazeera's role May NOT fit the current passion for the internet, pero Overlooking it will lead to Some Serious misunderstandings of how the half works in today's Arab world and how the Tunisian events Might matter Outside of That country over the long term.
Andrew Sullivan's blog
http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic .com/the_daily_dish/2011/01/could-tunisia-be-the-next-twitter-revolution-ctd-2.html
Jesse Walker Finds the question too narrow. Expands Larison on Walker's argument:
There is no question that protesters made use of Twitter, and it is also quite clear that Twitter was a valuable tool for disseminating information about the revolt, but that doesn’t make the revolt a “Twitter revolution” except in the very narrow sense that more people learned of what happened in Sidi Bouzid more quickly than they would have otherwise. Arguably, this accelerated the escalation and spread of the protests, but there seems to be general agreement that the trigger was Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation and the real causes were widely-shared economic and political grievances. Labeling something a “Twitter revolution” seems to trivialize what we’re talking about, as if other nations’ political struggles can be defined by the technologies and websites that happen to be trendy elsewhere.
Joining the debate, Marc Lynch discusses the synergy between traditional outlets and new media tools like Twitter:
Al-Jazeera and the new media ecosystem did not only spread information -- they facilitated the framing of the events and a robust public debate about their meaning.
... Arabs collectively understood these events quite quickly as part of a broader Arab narrative of reform and popular protest -- the "al-Jazeera narrative" of an Arab public challenging authoritarian Arab regimes and U.S. foreign policy alike. Events in Tunisia had meaning for Jordan, for Lebanon, for Yemen, for Egypt because They Were framed and Understood Within this collective Arab narrative. From al-Jazeera's talk shows to internet forums to the cafes WHERE Them Out People Talk face to face, Tunisia common Became the focal point for debate and Political Arab identity.
Al-Jazeera's role May NOT fit the current passion for the internet, pero Overlooking it will lead to Some Serious misunderstandings of how the half works in today's Arab world and how the Tunisian events Might matter Outside of That country over the long term.
How To Try Out For The Mls 2010
Answers
Just recently I wrote a web of new artists to get an online interview. I was excited that I consider an artist because it further reinforced my bohemian spirit, so I pass the final result:
CREATIVE
| What cultural sources drink more? The truth is that I find it hard to pick because the culture is everywhere, from a spectacular painting of Dali to the way it picks up a fork ... I notice that every time I drink more of eastern cultures in general and away from everything I set out. I am excited about the new, the original, unique ... Like me! (Laughs). By accepting a job, how do you assess each of these aspects? Money, creative freedom, visibility, working with the best ... things I worked on the most colorful and sensational, and they all have learned a lot, but has long since my only yardstick for choosing a job is if I enjoy what I do. I think we put many hours of our day work activities, and is much more satisfying for yourself and for recipients of our work if you enjoy doing ... Spirituality, "that helps your creativity? Without a doubt! Every day of my life under the firm objective of being happy in my life, and seeking ways of achieving that state. Sometimes I feel a little platonic, and I think as I approach the world of ideas, the more I think, more understand and love most. How to sell an idea? believing in it. ART |
| What are you doing? How do you define yourself? I define fickle. There are no two seconds alike in life, so there is no two equal Espes. Of course, I like to write, and greatly enjoy creating worlds out of my head ... | ||
| | "Hang up your work on the network? Where can we see? the moment I have not posted anything of mine on the internet, although they regularly write my experiences on my blog curious. You can visit whenever you like in The Special Worlds. | |
| | postmodern Do you consider yourself? Today is very hard not to be. I learned not to declare war on Postmodernism, live with it, learn from the context that one day I chose to live, and change in myself those things that I want in my life. | |
| | In art there is no guide, how do you know what next to do? How no guide? The artist looks into it, you understand, and express everything he feels in the form of work. What better guide than yourself? |
| | what business idea you're working on now? How did you come? in something new, which blends a sense of lifelong personal growth. I can not wait to see the light! | |
| | Do you have a website, blog, or social profile where we can see something about you or your project? course. I have blogger's blog (The Special Worlds), and profile on Facebook (Espe de Toro), but every time I spend less time on social networks ... |
| | if I send you to an island deserted, what book, album and movie would you take? A book, "Love without conditions" by Louise Hay, a secure disk André Rieu, and a movie ... I do not think it would take movies, prefer another book! ;) | |
| | What techniques work to calm your mind in times of stress? Move to a field of yellow tulips! | |
| | A small pleasure for you is great. A hug at the right time | |
| | Are you a former smoker? How did you quit? Yes smoked a lot before, about two packs a day. One day, living in Poland, I was bad and left a couple of days because my throat check dust ... And to this day! It's been three years! | |
| | 's 5 typical Sunday afternoon, what are you doing? Throw me a nap. It is the only day of the week that I echo after eating. | |
| | Something you have not done yet, but I definitely want to do someday? Irme one season to India ... Without a return ticket to Spain. | |
| | What else in the world about your upcoming move without hesitation? Today, in California. | |
| | If you were a reincarnate, what real life character would you be? Toro Esperanza Mingo. |
| | What have you now in your bag? Sometimes I think I am the living reincarnation of Mary Poppins ... Wear it all: books, calendar, case, fruit, ipod, perfume, tissues ... Suma y sigue! | |
| | "Mac or PC? Why? Mac ever. Since I started using Mac I realized it was the best investment he ever made. Now I am totally loyal to Apple. | |
| | Your way to kill time? Killing time? I do not kill anything, not even the time ... I like to give me time to myself or others ... I like doing crossword puzzles, being with my friends, learning, taking courses for personal growth, reading, eating, cooking ... But mostly, what I like best of all travel. | |
| | What comes after the consumer society? is clear that the current economic system is about to vanish ... Is reaching unsustainable levels, and I think we are approaching a radical change. That will still not know, but it will be great. Really big. | |
| | "a book of personal growth has transformed your life? You Can Heal Your Life, Louise Hay. | |
| | What do you plan your next vacation? Meditate. |
LOVE
| | How was the first crush of your life? Intense. | |
| | What is most important to you in a relationship? confidence and sincerity. |
MEMORY
| | What can you tell your family? That is great!! | |
| | Things you definitely want to do before you die. only one thing on my list: be happier than yesterday and less than tomorrow. |
Thursday, January 13, 2011
Soccer Midfield Training
Something about imitation of the other * gender * Outside
In the obituary he published in 2007 in Libération by way of counter-parting, Jean-Luc Nancy pictured his friend Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe composing the character of his own heroic story. The portrayal of Nancy, with whom wrote Le Titre de la lettre and L'Absolu littéraire at the origin of the "School of Strasbourg, is presented as the actor who was forced to embody what she could not represent or incorporate: speech, not formal or significant, but formant, the charm, stuttering. Even long ago, he had referred the conviction of knowing born " to literature" to persist in achieving a poetic speech without poetry (poiesis without ): not producing books of poetry, but not cease to imitate the inimitable : the baby talk that poetry and always comes back.
The imitation of modern is certainly testament to that stubborn imitation. The volume consists of ten lectures delivered between 1978 and 1985, is closely related to previously as The political fiction, but mostly reveals the stubborn trace of a detailed and coherent thought focused on the complex relationships that bind the art and politics in the problem of mimesis .
The game crept into the double genitive title, emphasis in the epilogue to escort the precise translation of Christopher Duran, reflects the ambiguity of the problems tied to the book: the conditions of survival of mimesis in the modern imagination, on the one hand, and secondly, the time we witness the return of modernity to the way you save a model still open to reinvention.
The re-staging of the world through the paradox of the actor with which Diderot opposes the action of the passive mimesis mimesis, the break produced by Hölderlin speculative in its insistent return to the inimitable Greece ("not too much greatness but lack of ownership) to (dis) organizing themes of tragedy and discovering the possibility of this "game of the match" in which case the Trauerspiel , the knot of the tragic "(understood as the ruin itself what imitable) from which you read, the ghost "Nietzsche", the possible substitution of an imitation of poiemata by poiesis the same (ie, the imitation of power) or the kind of stresses nobility and the drive Dionysian madness which endorses the metaphysical antagonism par excellence (his way of being forever on the side of being, where the Apollonian is covered only in appearance), the question of a "possible policy" whose foundation is the Heideggerian thought or the close links between art and politics tekhne the author of Being and Time returns from the heart same classical poetics, the ghost of Oedipus racked, (re) presenting the fate of aletheia (the disclosure of being and the savagery of his cruelty), defines the western sense of passion (wanting to know); and shipping cases in the letters to Jean-François Lyotard (on the condition of the postmodern) and Jacques Derrida (on the essence of politics), links are in fact engaged in the task of reinventing mindless mimicry.
The definition of this heterogeneous corpus, which articulates literary and philosophical texts (not including mediates the reason for a disciplinary hierarchy), not surprising. For years, reflection of Lacoue-Labarthe has focused, directly or obliquely on the question-fiction: the space where the bar which symbolically separates the philosophy of literature is weakened and made possible, including suspending alienated coexistence teacher ratio freed slave and his powers.
not coincidental that the book is interrupted in a folding reflective: to ask on behalf of what to write. Disrupt any assignment, frustrate any destination may be the reason but not the cause of writing. Among the disqualification of proprietary authorship and the insistence of the work and to come, the text of Lacoue-Labarthe supports an extension, put a hyphen where other rod-to think the conditions of response to that question still dormant.
In the obituary he published in 2007 in Libération by way of counter-parting, Jean-Luc Nancy pictured his friend Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe composing the character of his own heroic story. The portrayal of Nancy, with whom wrote Le Titre de la lettre and L'Absolu littéraire at the origin of the "School of Strasbourg, is presented as the actor who was forced to embody what she could not represent or incorporate: speech, not formal or significant, but formant, the charm, stuttering. Even long ago, he had referred the conviction of knowing born " to literature" to persist in achieving a poetic speech without poetry (poiesis without ): not producing books of poetry, but not cease to imitate the inimitable : the baby talk that poetry and always comes back.
The imitation of modern is certainly testament to that stubborn imitation. The volume consists of ten lectures delivered between 1978 and 1985, is closely related to previously as The political fiction, but mostly reveals the stubborn trace of a detailed and coherent thought focused on the complex relationships that bind the art and politics in the problem of mimesis .
The game crept into the double genitive title, emphasis in the epilogue to escort the precise translation of Christopher Duran, reflects the ambiguity of the problems tied to the book: the conditions of survival of mimesis in the modern imagination, on the one hand, and secondly, the time we witness the return of modernity to the way you save a model still open to reinvention.
The re-staging of the world through the paradox of the actor with which Diderot opposes the action of the passive mimesis mimesis, the break produced by Hölderlin speculative in its insistent return to the inimitable Greece ("not too much greatness but lack of ownership) to (dis) organizing themes of tragedy and discovering the possibility of this "game of the match" in which case the Trauerspiel , the knot of the tragic "(understood as the ruin itself what imitable) from which you read, the ghost "Nietzsche", the possible substitution of an imitation of poiemata by poiesis the same (ie, the imitation of power) or the kind of stresses nobility and the drive Dionysian madness which endorses the metaphysical antagonism par excellence (his way of being forever on the side of being, where the Apollonian is covered only in appearance), the question of a "possible policy" whose foundation is the Heideggerian thought or the close links between art and politics tekhne the author of Being and Time returns from the heart same classical poetics, the ghost of Oedipus racked, (re) presenting the fate of aletheia (the disclosure of being and the savagery of his cruelty), defines the western sense of passion (wanting to know); and shipping cases in the letters to Jean-François Lyotard (on the condition of the postmodern) and Jacques Derrida (on the essence of politics), links are in fact engaged in the task of reinventing mindless mimicry.
The definition of this heterogeneous corpus, which articulates literary and philosophical texts (not including mediates the reason for a disciplinary hierarchy), not surprising. For years, reflection of Lacoue-Labarthe has focused, directly or obliquely on the question-fiction: the space where the bar which symbolically separates the philosophy of literature is weakened and made possible, including suspending alienated coexistence teacher ratio freed slave and his powers.
not coincidental that the book is interrupted in a folding reflective: to ask on behalf of what to write. Disrupt any assignment, frustrate any destination may be the reason but not the cause of writing. Among the disqualification of proprietary authorship and the insistence of the work and to come, the text of Lacoue-Labarthe supports an extension, put a hyphen where other rod-to think the conditions of response to that question still dormant.
* Published in Revista Ñ, January 8, 2011. p. 24.
Jordin Sparkszack Y Cody
Howl at midnight
This morning I had a coffee with you, but something was not beaten. The taste had become even more bitter if possible, and doubts are settled in my head. A walk, two hours alone, three beats. Thousand images, so many memories, all you want ...
Funny how life is, what is mine, what's yours ... not ours.
could write a book, you well know, "and a trilogy, and ten thousand myths. Could dedicate a whole, break all the silence, enumerate lists about yourself, good and bad, about the virtues, on the whys. Could tell the world what I feel, to run, screaming to the Universe I love you, now everything shrinks inside me and make me tiny, cowardly, and strong and slow, and kind.
could wipe my tears all I apprehend these ego, and happy dancing around a fire waiting, always waiting, you change your mind. Also happy for all that already. Happy because I'm not dead yet.
Today I have a thousand questions in the chest and a thousand daggers in my soul, that to imprison me breathless. Thousand daggers and only hurting after years of mourning. A dagger, the day he walked up and down, in casting a last glance. Another dagger, a smile, a hug. Third dagger, three hundred sessions of crying. I can not go. I do not get. That is all, then fall down my face. There is inside me die slowly straying.
And in the middle of all this torment, a timid ray of light. Just one. There. I see it. I see little, yes, but I see it. It is my guide, it is my desire, my hope is my solace ...
Some day, that day I hope. You know. I know. They are. Whenever they were. Those before ... tell me, I'll tell you.
Meanwhile, here I leave my deep howl, my deepest fear. I leave it to you ... I return it ...
Meanwhile, here I leave my deep howl, my deepest fear. I leave it to you ... I return it ...
Wednesday, January 12, 2011
Can Ptosis Heal Without Surgery?
Monsivais THE PROPHET OF THE LOST CAUSE
Here's a recent article in THE JOURNAL ALWAYS ON THE UNFORGETTABLE Carlos Monsivais Monsivais
I said the first time he talked with him around 1964 in a event of the national student press association organized in Queretaro with the then rector Gutierrrez Hugo Vega: What is the concept of time in a developing country? What counts as underdevelopment but the fragmentation of time, in its incompleteness, the hours you never have sixty minutes, to minutes unable to inventory the second within them? The time is usually underdevelopment in shape, circular, and as for learning technique, usually populated by small levels .... The country does not agree to full autonomy, the individual does not access the full range ... The eternal return is the terrible feeling weak and continuous informs us that this was already live, that we tried this, that this has already failed. (It is anticipated that several years later write in 1970 in their day to save: 152)
Many years later in the act Carlos Monsivais tribute to their 70 and the delivery of the Doctorate Honoris Causes Lost he said about "fascinating and essential to society and the nation, with the exception of the liberal reform of Benito Juárez and the general period Lázaro Cárdenas, has been volatilized or ignition utopias. " Monsivais profuse clear that these losses in Mexican history "are not synonymous with lost causes, but the historical results and daily inequality of forces, the domain for long periods is also hegemony of the ruling class, regular purchase of which act as leaders or ideologues of the resistance. "
Lost causes share many features of the motion defeated but come from farther afield, "the ethical choices with aesthetic resonances of claims and claims for the immediate failure, but valid in themselves and able to instill that moment of dignity despite everything. " He said the losses are not elected and no one, for example, participates in a move "with the perfect illusion that is now the moment we make an electoral fraud and shines within our conviction destroyed. " What explains the species lost causes, he continued, is the certainty of the value inherent requirements of justice and of the struggle to achieve it.
"The first great victory is achieved over the pessimism that informs of the enormity of the obstacles and the unfortunate end of those who have attempted to challenge the winners again."
"The other big win also occurs when one side makes the criterion of fast and lasting success. When not flying the anxiety of the rise, and I think the rank and aware that victory never include them, that most likely they would like at first. "
In short, Lost Cause is that from which he never expected benefits.
GG: At the end of forty years of this heroic time we believed that opened the world of modernization, progress, justice and the noblest of human beings, we find a counterfeit country in the hands of the right most vulgar and uncouth, with a totally corrupt political class, some intellectuals turned over to self-praise, plagiarism and the elegy of insignificance, and a people who believed not only noble but heroic, speaking on reality as the PRI's famous painting, fearful, cynical conservative, unable to decide for yourself.
CM: Although today the concept is citizenship, not the populist concept of people.
GG: The modern concept may be that, but in a country with huge inequalities that we sometimes people behave as citizens and more as a people. With respect to the elites Cordera says Juan de Mairena citing that "public men, especially the politician, we must demand that possess public virtues, all of which are summarized in the fidelity to one's mask" .
CM: The mask linked to dissimulation. Peace Again: Not only do we disguised ourselves and we are transparent and ghostly, also concealed the existence of our fellows. The no, he adds. A profound revolution in Mexico would change the word None at this respect. For others, others, ourselves. To enter into a creative dialogue in effective deliberation begin to respect your partner without which no exchange possible. When no others, deny in the same act, the possibility of a link.
GG: That's exactly what concerns peace. Not that others ignore. They simply hidden. As others do to us. The end result is that we do not exist. Deliberation, dialogue, exchange is thus impossible. Peace is very radical in that sense saying that all relationships are poisoned by fear and suspicion Mr before our peers. Ends with a horrible sentence: the Mexican does not want or dare to be himself. How to subvert it?
CM: With a resounding NO to the way of Cavafy,
/ CHE FECE ... IL GRAN rifiuto
Some men came a day
that should the great Yes or the great
not say. Immediately reveals who has
prepared inside the Self, and saying
advances in honor and in his conviction. One who refused
no regrets. If you ask again,
not say again. And yet that overwhelms
no 'right' for life. /
with a heroic act.
GG: Or perhaps, and besides the heroic act, recalling Luis Cernuda:
Remember that you and others remember it, when disgusted
human baseness,
when irate human hardness:
This man alone, this single act This faith alone. Remember that you and remember
others. In 1961 and
strange city,
more than a quarter of a century later
. Trivial circumstances forced you to public
reading
by it to the man talk:
A former soldier in the Lincoln Brigade.
Twenty years ago, this man,
without knowing your land for
distant and strange it all, she chose to go to
and in it if the opportunity came, he decided to bet your life, judging that the cause
beyond
then put the board, was worth fighting for
faith filled life.
That this cause appears lost,
it matters
many others, claiming faith in it
only considering themselves,
less important.
What matters and all we need is one's faith.
again today why I listed the cause as in the days
:
noble and worth fighting for.
And his faith, faith that, he held
through years of defeat, when everything seems to betray
.
But that faith, you say, is what only matters.
Thanks, mate, thanks
by example. Thanks for telling me
that man is noble.
Never mind that so few are:
One, one just enough
irrefutable witness of all human nobility. I think
Carlos Monsivais in 1967 when I had to comment on the Casa del Lago early autobiography, "I have 28 years and I know of Europe. Also in 1966 and 1967 out of the International Film Festival, coffee in the Piazza Zona Rosa with the priest of the cultural mafia-like ironically called it. In 1968 during the student movement we became friends even. I saw him several times in Europe during my exile. During the 15 years I spent from one region to another region to work with farmers. Monsivais published my rural chronic in the cultural supplement of the magazine Siempre! But my memory
Carlos Monsivais is deep in our last meeting under the TV Dialogues by Mexico led by Rolando Cordera and with the participation of Clara Jusidman. We speak of social movements in the great moments of Mexico's independence, reform. The Revolution, Lázaro Cárdenas, 68, the dirty war, in 1985, the Cardenas electoral alternation, 2006. And the terrible day today.
In December 2009 I went to visit his home in Portales. He gave me several of his books including The thousand and one wakes, sensationalist Chronicle in Mexico (2009, National Book Association). Here I work for the first time a book
Gustavo, who lived with joy hard years to prepare, badly, at the entrance of the worst years. With the old affection
VAT.
Here's a recent article in THE JOURNAL ALWAYS ON THE UNFORGETTABLE Carlos Monsivais Monsivais
I said the first time he talked with him around 1964 in a event of the national student press association organized in Queretaro with the then rector Gutierrrez Hugo Vega: What is the concept of time in a developing country? What counts as underdevelopment but the fragmentation of time, in its incompleteness, the hours you never have sixty minutes, to minutes unable to inventory the second within them? The time is usually underdevelopment in shape, circular, and as for learning technique, usually populated by small levels .... The country does not agree to full autonomy, the individual does not access the full range ... The eternal return is the terrible feeling weak and continuous informs us that this was already live, that we tried this, that this has already failed. (It is anticipated that several years later write in 1970 in their day to save: 152)
Many years later in the act Carlos Monsivais tribute to their 70 and the delivery of the Doctorate Honoris Causes Lost he said about "fascinating and essential to society and the nation, with the exception of the liberal reform of Benito Juárez and the general period Lázaro Cárdenas, has been volatilized or ignition utopias. " Monsivais profuse clear that these losses in Mexican history "are not synonymous with lost causes, but the historical results and daily inequality of forces, the domain for long periods is also hegemony of the ruling class, regular purchase of which act as leaders or ideologues of the resistance. "
Lost causes share many features of the motion defeated but come from farther afield, "the ethical choices with aesthetic resonances of claims and claims for the immediate failure, but valid in themselves and able to instill that moment of dignity despite everything. " He said the losses are not elected and no one, for example, participates in a move "with the perfect illusion that is now the moment we make an electoral fraud and shines within our conviction destroyed. " What explains the species lost causes, he continued, is the certainty of the value inherent requirements of justice and of the struggle to achieve it.
"The first great victory is achieved over the pessimism that informs of the enormity of the obstacles and the unfortunate end of those who have attempted to challenge the winners again."
"The other big win also occurs when one side makes the criterion of fast and lasting success. When not flying the anxiety of the rise, and I think the rank and aware that victory never include them, that most likely they would like at first. "
In short, Lost Cause is that from which he never expected benefits.
GG: At the end of forty years of this heroic time we believed that opened the world of modernization, progress, justice and the noblest of human beings, we find a counterfeit country in the hands of the right most vulgar and uncouth, with a totally corrupt political class, some intellectuals turned over to self-praise, plagiarism and the elegy of insignificance, and a people who believed not only noble but heroic, speaking on reality as the PRI's famous painting, fearful, cynical conservative, unable to decide for yourself.
CM: Although today the concept is citizenship, not the populist concept of people.
GG: The modern concept may be that, but in a country with huge inequalities that we sometimes people behave as citizens and more as a people. With respect to the elites Cordera says Juan de Mairena citing that "public men, especially the politician, we must demand that possess public virtues, all of which are summarized in the fidelity to one's mask" .
CM: The mask linked to dissimulation. Peace Again: Not only do we disguised ourselves and we are transparent and ghostly, also concealed the existence of our fellows. The no, he adds. A profound revolution in Mexico would change the word None at this respect. For others, others, ourselves. To enter into a creative dialogue in effective deliberation begin to respect your partner without which no exchange possible. When no others, deny in the same act, the possibility of a link.
GG: That's exactly what concerns peace. Not that others ignore. They simply hidden. As others do to us. The end result is that we do not exist. Deliberation, dialogue, exchange is thus impossible. Peace is very radical in that sense saying that all relationships are poisoned by fear and suspicion Mr before our peers. Ends with a horrible sentence: the Mexican does not want or dare to be himself. How to subvert it?
CM: With a resounding NO to the way of Cavafy,
/ CHE FECE ... IL GRAN rifiuto
Some men came a day
that should the great Yes or the great
not say. Immediately reveals who has
prepared inside the Self, and saying
advances in honor and in his conviction. One who refused
no regrets. If you ask again,
not say again. And yet that overwhelms
no 'right' for life. /
with a heroic act.
GG: Or perhaps, and besides the heroic act, recalling Luis Cernuda:
Remember that you and others remember it, when disgusted
human baseness,
when irate human hardness:
This man alone, this single act This faith alone. Remember that you and remember
others. In 1961 and
strange city,
more than a quarter of a century later
. Trivial circumstances forced you to public
reading
by it to the man talk:
A former soldier in the Lincoln Brigade.
Twenty years ago, this man,
without knowing your land for
distant and strange it all, she chose to go to
and in it if the opportunity came, he decided to bet your life, judging that the cause
beyond
then put the board, was worth fighting for
faith filled life.
That this cause appears lost,
it matters
many others, claiming faith in it
only considering themselves,
less important.
What matters and all we need is one's faith.
again today why I listed the cause as in the days
:
noble and worth fighting for.
And his faith, faith that, he held
through years of defeat, when everything seems to betray
.
But that faith, you say, is what only matters.
Thanks, mate, thanks
by example. Thanks for telling me
that man is noble.
Never mind that so few are:
One, one just enough
irrefutable witness of all human nobility. I think
Carlos Monsivais in 1967 when I had to comment on the Casa del Lago early autobiography, "I have 28 years and I know of Europe. Also in 1966 and 1967 out of the International Film Festival, coffee in the Piazza Zona Rosa with the priest of the cultural mafia-like ironically called it. In 1968 during the student movement we became friends even. I saw him several times in Europe during my exile. During the 15 years I spent from one region to another region to work with farmers. Monsivais published my rural chronic in the cultural supplement of the magazine Siempre! But my memory
Carlos Monsivais is deep in our last meeting under the TV Dialogues by Mexico led by Rolando Cordera and with the participation of Clara Jusidman. We speak of social movements in the great moments of Mexico's independence, reform. The Revolution, Lázaro Cárdenas, 68, the dirty war, in 1985, the Cardenas electoral alternation, 2006. And the terrible day today.
In December 2009 I went to visit his home in Portales. He gave me several of his books including The thousand and one wakes, sensationalist Chronicle in Mexico (2009, National Book Association). Here I work for the first time a book
Gustavo, who lived with joy hard years to prepare, badly, at the entrance of the worst years. With the old affection
VAT.
Tuesday, January 11, 2011
Lap Band Blue Cross Anthem
Back to The Worlds 2011 Special
For technical issues have been missing from The Special Worlds about a month. Now that Vodafone and Telefonica have placed us as God sends a router at home, my chances of publication have multiplied.
In fact have been a quiet Christmas, as always, family. This year I was especially excited because the former was in Paraguay, with my tiísima, and my children. You have to see how values you have at the moment it's gone!
If I make a compilation of 2010, I'd say I started in Asuncion. I've been in Argentina and Brazil. I have worked with wonderful people I have met many of my current students, and I learned great lessons.
I shared my life with others, have developed diabetes, and I turned 25 years-a quarter century, I only have 5 / 4 more to go to the next life;) -. I've met boyfriends and girlfriends of many of my friends and my cousins. Caito and Jose Luis has been married to their partners, who is extremely friendly and my Diana has informed me that it will same next April.
I've seen people change and grow larger, stronger or growing. I've seen people change and become smaller, weaker or plummet.
Espe have died my grandmother, uncle Rafael and Mani. All three say a goodbye sentidísimo with heart and head full of memories.
I rediscovered old friends I have strengthened relationships, and health and friendship attracted to my life, I have traveled the world, I have been very happy, I know another culture, I have marveled watching the tour of an ant on my bare foot, I have seen amazing hotels I have secured a few points about The Village ...
This year 2010 has been wonderful. I would not change a single line, or a comma or a point and followed. The only thing left to note is that 2011 will be better if possible, filled with news, impressions and surprises. As always, as I will be a busy year. Could not be otherwise.
Monday, January 10, 2011
1992 1 Oz California Gold Coins
kills Jump is a book unclassifiable. The first impulse is located halfway between the "figure" (that is traced by Diogenes Laertius, reinvented Schwob and cultivated with admirable precision among us by Borges and Chitarroni) and the "trial of writer" (the little genre that Luis Gusman sensed between the critical work and the privilege of literature). But no. The book by Hugo Savino Coagulation may not end in any of those spaces textual determination. First, it is not a book of essays. Nothing in the argument in terms of testable hypotheses, or anything like that. There are, however, a rigorous sequence of declarative sentences, judgmental, a flurry of phrases, sprinkled with citations to their honorees or commentators, looking (and sometimes succeed) to prove his statements from the poetic power of utterance. Secondly, the writing is too fragmentary, too scattered to make sharp the strength that characterizes the "silhouette." Looking
better, its particular and sustained dislocation grammar, syntax swirling, insistent experiment your score and your instinct to desire (not working), from which only writes about (about) objects loved or admired, seem to justify the temptation to place this book as a reflective yarn strange prose poems . But finally, the data cataloging under "Narrative Argentina" disarms the guesswork and makes a mockery of any attempt to taxonomic definition.
"Complices lone, the names of Estrin and Stephen Laura Bertola," two crazy reading, "are discovered as guarantors of the intrigue. The "madness" Estrin, whose valuable work in the first stage Santiago Arcos resulted in the publication of texts exquisite Perlongher Nestor, Hector Libertella Milita Oscar Molina and Steinberg, active happily reveals that delicious bestiary that is already the catalog (of incatalogable) of nomadic lyrics. Mad that "they are serious," Savino hits. Madness reasoned, could be added. For what are Zettel, Melodies Argentinas or kills himself Jump if not a thoughtful series of monsters desgenerados whose lineage is precisely the confusion of lineages holiday? Outside
gender, enrolled in the tradition implicitly literaliana of promiscuity, the book Savino is a daily "reading: of life": the story that describes the drift a singular experience, literary and vital while weaving a community of love, a constellation (that could be called Savino) Troilus becomes adverb in listening and suggest Claudel, Nestor Sanchez, the writer of language in contempt, brings music and prose Sollers Ayler, the women of Balzac, the writer of the great arguments and the minimum observations intersect with Kerouac, Henry Meschonnic that defies poetry and philosophizing through the score meets Zelarrayán as Mastronardi for its resistance to the imposition realistic Marina Tsvietáieva, the poet who met the dispossession and exile, brings to Reinaldo Arenas, Paul Claudel, cursed "by strains of Time," discover "an impulse absolutely essential" in their encounter with Rimbaud, Osvaldo Lamborghini, that "animal writing "whose genius (and whose lack of talent) to a list headed by Joyce brings to Simon Leys, the unique phrasing Raul Beron, such as piano or violin Lucio Demare devilish Alfredo Gobbi, becomes entangled in the list of raids in which they appear Ornette Coleman and Steve Lacy and the voices shining Angel Cardenas, Roberto Rufino, Dinah Washington and Anita O'Day, the wayward pace and thoughtful intermittency of the phrase that bears the name of Kerouac brings, of course, Monk and Parker but also the landscape that Cézanne gun in the ear of Mariano Dupont.
In any case, this is not an easy book. The way is expensive, often said Valery. As Meschonnic poem, the words of Sanchez and verse Tsvietáieva, Salto de mata offered through the generosity of Don , but claims to turn "a complete player, able to own the experience of that waste.
* Published in Revista Ñ, December 31, 2010. p. 26.
Sunday, January 9, 2011
Lime Sulfur Dip Every Two Weeks
THREE PEOPLE AND A POSSIBLE CANDIDATE
MI CO DLE SUNDAY 9 JANUARY 2011 IN THE PROGRAM TODAY FOR TODAY SUNDAY WRADIO DRIVEN BY NACHO LOZANO.
WHAT LESSONS GIVE OBAMA, LULA and Dilma FOR POSSIBLE CANDIDATE THE LEFT IN THE STATE OF MEXICO, Alejandro Encinas?
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au=1408577
MI CO DLE SUNDAY 9 JANUARY 2011 IN THE PROGRAM TODAY FOR TODAY SUNDAY WRADIO DRIVEN BY NACHO LOZANO.
WHAT LESSONS GIVE OBAMA, LULA and Dilma FOR POSSIBLE CANDIDATE THE LEFT IN THE STATE OF MEXICO, Alejandro Encinas?
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au=1408577
Saturday, January 8, 2011
How To Change Old Ugly Pedestal Sink
LEFTS (4) FRONT MORE JOBS
In my three previous articles I have constructed the following argument.
shaft old authoritarian regime, has said, what were the combination of hyper-presidentialism over a hegemonic party more interaction between formal rules established in the Constitution and secondary laws, and a wide range of informal rules and meta powers -constitutional. This axis authoritarian
weakened gradually progressed as electoral competition was also the focus of governance old regime was dismantled without giving rise to a new governance arrangement. In this regard I refer to a transition aborted.
What followed after 1997 was a continuation of arrangements under the leadership of another party. What has happened has been a consistent decline where disentangling the political center leading to a gradual emancipation and discontinuous both the states as sections of society while operating slot colonization of the state apparatus or country by powers that be. Former players in the heat of re-dislocation is functionalized and play a new role but with the old costume. I think some corporations union in the new political role of the governors, the unchecked dominance of the media and certainly in organized crime. All this is not continuity but a new regime.
The decomposition of the old regime expressed in social fragmentation, jibarización state entities and privatization of public spaces created a kind of authoritarian metastases and the emergence of a special-for transient-specific and I call the Ottoman regime, with reference to the phenomenon that the British historian Timothy Garton Ash described referring to communist societies in Eastern Europe: "By this I mean flexible in an analogy with the decline of the Ottoman Empire a long, slow process of decay in the course of which observe an unplanned emancipation, gradual and discontinuous both constituent states of the empire of their own societies for their states. (The uses of adversity, 1990: 253). Typically
Ottoman rule is the administration of the decay that is an oligarchy of political management. This management does not seek broad participation of citizens. On the contrary encourages absenteeism, cynicism and behavior through selective targeting of political messages to different niches citizens. The distinctive sign of the regime Ottoman is the lack of space leading to binding agreements, alliances, coalitions. Cope
citizen requires building a coalition whose main shaft rotates around the policy as a public good. That is politics as a means of producing solutions for peaceful coexistence. The coalition requires a diversity of social and political actors. Requires new methods that do not disdain to anything electronic media and new possibilities on the Internet, radio and television. But above all emphasize the political discourse.
Can set a pole of the left that links social struggles, appeal to the middle class and attract important sectors of the business without losing its call to the popular classes? Yes, but only from a profound cultural transformation. You need another way to perceive politics. Another way to link the fight parliamentary electoral exercise and social demands. Another form of government with a central purpose: To reduce inequality from the full exercise of democracy.
It also requires intelligence and cleverness, generosity.
In my three previous articles I have constructed the following argument.
shaft old authoritarian regime, has said, what were the combination of hyper-presidentialism over a hegemonic party more interaction between formal rules established in the Constitution and secondary laws, and a wide range of informal rules and meta powers -constitutional. This axis authoritarian
weakened gradually progressed as electoral competition was also the focus of governance old regime was dismantled without giving rise to a new governance arrangement. In this regard I refer to a transition aborted.
What followed after 1997 was a continuation of arrangements under the leadership of another party. What has happened has been a consistent decline where disentangling the political center leading to a gradual emancipation and discontinuous both the states as sections of society while operating slot colonization of the state apparatus or country by powers that be. Former players in the heat of re-dislocation is functionalized and play a new role but with the old costume. I think some corporations union in the new political role of the governors, the unchecked dominance of the media and certainly in organized crime. All this is not continuity but a new regime.
The decomposition of the old regime expressed in social fragmentation, jibarización state entities and privatization of public spaces created a kind of authoritarian metastases and the emergence of a special-for transient-specific and I call the Ottoman regime, with reference to the phenomenon that the British historian Timothy Garton Ash described referring to communist societies in Eastern Europe: "By this I mean flexible in an analogy with the decline of the Ottoman Empire a long, slow process of decay in the course of which observe an unplanned emancipation, gradual and discontinuous both constituent states of the empire of their own societies for their states. (The uses of adversity, 1990: 253). Typically
Ottoman rule is the administration of the decay that is an oligarchy of political management. This management does not seek broad participation of citizens. On the contrary encourages absenteeism, cynicism and behavior through selective targeting of political messages to different niches citizens. The distinctive sign of the regime Ottoman is the lack of space leading to binding agreements, alliances, coalitions. Cope
citizen requires building a coalition whose main shaft rotates around the policy as a public good. That is politics as a means of producing solutions for peaceful coexistence. The coalition requires a diversity of social and political actors. Requires new methods that do not disdain to anything electronic media and new possibilities on the Internet, radio and television. But above all emphasize the political discourse.
Can set a pole of the left that links social struggles, appeal to the middle class and attract important sectors of the business without losing its call to the popular classes? Yes, but only from a profound cultural transformation. You need another way to perceive politics. Another way to link the fight parliamentary electoral exercise and social demands. Another form of government with a central purpose: To reduce inequality from the full exercise of democracy.
It also requires intelligence and cleverness, generosity.
Thursday, January 6, 2011
Smith And Wesson Special Ctg
Ottoman regime, underpaid, "glass half full?
W THREE INTERVENTIONS IN THE RADIO TODAY FOR TODAY BETWEEN JOSE LUIS DE LA CRUZ, THE SECRETARY OF LABOR ROLANDO LOZANO AND LAMB
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id = 13616 & u = 1406835
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=13616&au=1406839
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=13616 & , au = 1407312
W THREE INTERVENTIONS IN THE RADIO TODAY FOR TODAY BETWEEN JOSE LUIS DE LA CRUZ, THE SECRETARY OF LABOR ROLANDO LOZANO AND LAMB
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id = 13616 & u = 1406835
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=13616&au=1406839
http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=13616 & , au = 1407312
Sunday, January 2, 2011
Hot Soccer Players European
TORT, impunity and how to paint
MY FIRST CONTRIBUTION OF 2011 IN TODAY FOR TODAY SUNDAY DRIVEN BY NACHO W
LOZANO http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au = 1405588
certainly a mistake I made is that Luis Videgaray is chairman of the Budget Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, and not as erroneously stated in my review of the Finance Committee
MY FIRST CONTRIBUTION OF 2011 IN TODAY FOR TODAY SUNDAY DRIVEN BY NACHO W
LOZANO http://www.wradio.com.mx/programa.aspx?id=795393&au = 1405588
certainly a mistake I made is that Luis Videgaray is chairman of the Budget Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, and not as erroneously stated in my review of the Finance Committee
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