wrote this article
FOR RELEASE WEEKEND HEAT OF THE UNCERTAINTY OF SPEECH MUBARAK ambiguous. VICTORIA DAY IS TODAY MORE THAN EVER THINK IT IS NECESSARY TO REMOVE LESSONS FOR OUR COUNTRY, MEXICO.
What's common between a 26 years one of nine children and dedicated to driving a peddler of fruits and vegetables in a village in the interior of the Tunisian Republic and a young blogger Alexandria brutally murdered by the police? The anger against impunity and have played the role of catalysts of the largest social movement in the modern Arab world.
face of popular demonstrations of state power always responds the same way. First comes the phase of "total denial", are small riots. Of young "rebels and misunderstood." Then the ridiculous accusations that protesters are "used and manipulated by those who hate our country." Set this to Communism, Islam and any "ism" to express at that time the national authorities phobias and / or global. Third Instead, the "new game" to do something to stay in power. The same people who have violated existing law much to argue legal issues more difficult and complicated transformations resulting from the mobilization. And, if by then not been appeased or split the opposition, then either an act of force or take to their heels. By then it will have taken a heavy toll in dead, wounded and injured the stubbornness of the dictator, the charismatic leader, or oligarchic.
the side of social movements, Carlos Monsivais said that those who have mobilized to overcome three obstacles. The hurdle of apathy which is the main barrier between the citizen who feels wronged but is not prepared to act against this situation: what good is protest, nothing will be achieved. The second obstacle is the fear of ridicule, what will they say: look at them trying to challenge Goliath with a few nuts. The third obstacle is the real fear and documented measures against the regime can be taken against dissidents. We tend to believe that these schemes especially those who have held power for so long are indestructible and the best thing is to agree a compromise with the powers to confront.
This booklet not known both in terms of powers as the side of the movement, it ceases to amaze when I see one developed in the most unlikely places as seemed to be the Arab world.
ACT ONE: THE REVOLUTION OF JASMINE
Everything has a limit to the patience of a people who like the Tunisian who suffered 30 years of dictatorship "benevolent" Habib Bourguiba, the father of the nation who fought for independence of that country. Then came 23 years of the police regime and kleptomaniac who established his Interior Minister after giving a palace coup with the promise to provide "prompt" a democratic regime, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali.
Some lessons from the Tunisian movement still is now looking for a better deal for democratic transition:
dictatorship, or authoritarianism is tolerated by the majority of the population, provided the dissidents will be imprisoned, exiled or killed, until it is combined with impunity, lack of opportunities for personal growth, famine and impudence corruptor. Trebulsi family of Tunisian dictator's wife as a public good could be alienated, privatized national resources and made outlandish acts such as sending the presidential plane to Saint Tropez in southern France to bring Americans to serve your guests ice cream desserts. Wiki-leaks thanks to a number of Tunisian-more than half the population lives on less than two dollars a day, they learned the vagaries of the dictator's family.
An authoritarian or dictatorial regime falls when the military decides that it is not worth embarking on a widespread crackdown. Rachid Ammar the commander in chief who refused to open fire on protesters precipitated the fall of the dictator. As the French journalist Jean Daniel "If the army gets up power no longer can. In the instant that their disobedience was announced the most insightful realized that Ben Ali was finished." (El País, Sunday 23)
No nation is genetically or culturally alien to the democratic aspirations. Two French commentators Daniel and Jean-Henri Levy says it forcefully, knowing that much of this skepticism towards Arabs and Muslims regarding their quest for democracy and human rights support has been generated in the political and intellectual circles in developed countries. Bernard Henri Levy, the director of the magazine La Règle Jeu said: "It takes a lot of contempt for not seeing in this region of the world nothing but lackeys villages left to their exotic lethargy" (El País, 23 January).
Heroism actors almost always unexpected. A 26 year old brother of nine and a home run by an abandoned mother, dedicated to the sale of fruits and vegetables, occasionally taking classes especially for the use of computers is attacked by a minor official of a small town in a predominantly rural region. The officer leading the destruction of peddler because he refused to give the proverbial bite and to add insult to injury slaps. The boy goes to the mayor's office to raise a complaint becomes the official finding of yore who told him who was going to pay attention to a nobody. Mohammed left the building Bouzazi bought a 5 liter tank of gasoline and blew himself up in front of two policemen on 17 December. He died on January 4 this year without realizing that it was a folk hero.
Movement spread from the periphery to the center of this country, thanks to extensive use of the computer and especially Twitter and Facebook. The most interesting international network of cyber-activists who had brought down ANONYMOUS sites Visa and Mastercard because of its refusal to receive donations for Wiki Leaks took action on January 4 attacked the authoritarian government sites and blocked.
ACT II: THE WRATH OF A PEOPLE
Khalid Said a young Egyptian under 28 years old - 68% of Arabs are under 30 years, according to United Nations figures in Egypt are nearly third of more than 80 million people-was in an internet cafe in Alexandria when suddenly entered into a civilian police officers allegedly looking for drugs but actually demanding money. When he refused they began to hit until he was killed. Thanks to several human rights groups denounced the murder and began a campaign on Facebook, a page named Khalid Said "We are all to honor his memory through vigils and low concentrations until it reached 375000 subscribers to the Facebook page. In this context, several opposition groups including the April 6 youth movement called for a demonstration on 25 January. The second grand march, the march of anger, took place the following Friday, January 28, following a series guidelines involving logistics, since it is a day of prayers under Muslim worship, mosques and organizations wishing to converge after the Liberation Square. The best-known opposition figure Mohammed Al-Baradei, who was director general between 1997 and 2009 of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was also summoned to a mosque from where he moved the main square. At the same time young people started a campaign called "hug a soldier looking for consorting with the army which by then was on the streets. Meanwhile
dictator Mubarak quietly bans demonstrations, interrupt Internet and all forms of electronic exchange. Then he blames his ministers were named run and first vice-president, the chief of the secret services and a premier general aviation. Also run to the hated minister of interior who controls the shock troops "by an informal army of nearly a million informers, rappers and thugs. Calls for a dialogue to the way in 1968 in Mexico called for dialogue Diaz Ordaz on 1 August from Guadalajara in his famous speech of the "outstretched hand."
military leaders after declaring on Monday 31 will not use force against demonstrators. Then the secret police and shock troops are sent to confront the protesters and for three days, from first to February 3, the violence rages, but the protesters resisted and maintained. After the rally called "Let him go" on Friday April redeclares Mubarak now to declare that they will re-elect in September and will go to elections, his son, but he fears for the stability of the country.
INTERMEDIATE: THE SAD PLIGHT OF YOUNG
According to the report of the International Labour Organization (ILO) United Nations, "Job prospects for 2011, the number of unemployed youth, between 15 and 24 years- estimated at 77.7 million in 2010. The overall number of young unemployed in 2010 reached 12.6%. Yet unemployment rates underestimate the extent to which the economic crisis has impacted the participation of youth in the workforce. Among 56 countries with current data there are 1.7 million fewer young people in the labor market than predicted according to long-term trends, which is illustrated with a number of young people continue to simply give up looking for work.
ACT THREE: THE CENTRAL DILEMMA: MOBILIZATIONS VERSUS INSTITUTIONS?
After nearly three decades of structural reforms and drastic changes in the world including the recent economics crisis, should be made clear something else obvious, namely that any small or large company is usually a dynamic human construction. Conflicts and tensions are not the exception but the rule. It is even more evident that these conflicts will be presented more dramatically in the current environment where companies are engaged in profound changes in both global and local bill. Just in these situations is critical to seek to establish a strong link between informal institutions and organizations engaged both at the national, subregional and local levels, an important role in conflict resolution. It is this bridge that can guarantee the transformation of protests and social conflicts in innovation, experimentation and institutional solutions, particularly when it comes to transitions between authoritarian and democratic forms of government. I call this process as social mobilization as a means of producing institutions.
Obviously not all social mobilization institutional innovation becomes in fact the movement contains within itself, almost by definition, disruptive high risk. In countries like Egypt that is spurred by strong risk factors influenced the confluence of various joints: a structural inequality that comes from afar, a rapid process of change eroding social cohesion and impact cultural certainties, and a dictatorial regime frozen in the past. The alternative seems, therefore, rest on the ability to process basic agreements and direct intervention. Of course there are two crucial factors: strategic clarity at least part of the group leader and strategic patience is also a significant part of the leadership of the opposition.
In Egypt the forces struggling for democracy are now confronted with this central dilemma: how to advance the negotiations without reducing the social pressure to reach a tipping point in terms of dismantling the central spring authoritarianism? How to build from mobilization social institutions, ie the game to ensure democratic transit?
In negotiations on Sunday the government has committed two errors. First assume that the representatives here present "represented" the whole movement. And second, suppose that had a mandate to decide on behalf of the movement at that meeting. This gross error or maneuver typical of authoritarian regimes led the government announced hours after the meeting with great fanfare the "agreements" that had been reached. Seen by themselves are undoubtedly a break capital with the Mubarak regime's practices. Involve commitments to change the constitution, release political prisoners, modify the fraudulent acts in elections last year through the Court of Cassation, freedom of expression in the media, confirmed that neither seek nor his son Mubarak's presidency Egypt, formation of a committee of eminent persons to monitor compliance with agreements and lift the state of emergency has existed for 30 years in Egypt "when they leave the security threats of Egyptian society."
The answer in the street, between groups of demonstrators and the various small groups organized including the Muslim Brotherhood has been however, rejection despite the progress they represent, not only because they avoid the central issue Mubarak's departure but also the way these negotiations have taken more like a monologue with a way for partners government ..
The situation presents a twofold problem: a government used to "divide, co-opt and demoralize the opponents," as The Economist and a ruthless use of repression and opposition weakened by repression and a huge generational gap between young people who have emerged from these demonstrations as the new leadership emerging and the old guard who endured repression and sometimes compromise with the government. A businessman Naguib Sawiris is part of a "committee of wise men" formed to facilitate negotiations with the government, praised the opposition as the new power in Egypt but urged them to provide leadership with which to negotiate.
precisely in the middle of a situation that changes from minute to minute two institutional arrangements have emerged from the protest. One is, the dialogue committee was named after by the media as the "committee of wise men" headed by former board director of human rights Kamal Abul-Magd, and composed of 30 non-partisan public figures prominently including Ambassador Nabil Al-Araby, a former judge of the International Court of Justice and member of the management of the Institute for International Peace d based in Stockholm. This committee also includes a prominent law professor, Yehia Al-Gamal, former Egyptian ambassador to the United States Nabil Fahmy, and current Dean of the School of Public Policy at the American University in Cairo. Includes Coptic religion businessman, Naguib Sawiris, as well as the chief editor of Egypt, Ibrahim El-Moalem. Among Sawiris and El-Moalem, has influence on two satellite television stations, or TV, and On TV (Sawiris), and the newspaper, Al-Shorouk (El-Moalem), means that they have openly supported the opposition movement. The
another crucial institutional arrangement has been the formation of a committee of five youth organizations instrumental in driving the movement and called Management Unified Revolutionary Youth Angered: April 6 movement, the campaign in support AlBaradei and democracy, Campaign door to door (door-knock campaign), the youth of the Muslim Brotherhood and the youth movement of the Democratic Front party. It was this committee formed to coordinate the actions of movement throughout the country who envisioned the idea of \u200b\u200bthe remarkable group and invited them to join him.
The situation is further aggravated by the same geopolitical role first order that Egypt has played in maintaining that state of "neither peace nor war" that prevails between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Indeed, no less shameful behavior of major powers in recent weeks. France received as a hero of the fatherland Tunisian dictator for 23 years decided to freeze their bank accounts probably heavy and refused to grant him asylum, for that is the real evil empire, Saudi Arabia, and Germany until last week was the main supplier of arms to Egypt decided to suspend sales. The perfidious Albion after 30 years required to leave early but that it "in a dignified manner" the dictator Mubarak. And the United States now wants to teach democracy to the same tyrants who prohijó. Clearly that is not entirely the responsibility of Cameron, Sarkozy, Merkel, Clinton and Obama. But if their regimes. So that the least you should do before anything else-and that surely would have a greater effect of democratization in the world, would take away from the policies of his predecessors who sacrificed democracy to their geopolitical interests.
Among the many ominous signs one more that is positive. Wael Ghonim, a Google manager in the Middle East appeared tearful in a television interview just hours after his release in which he described how he spent 12 days kidnapped and blindfolded by police forces. Ghonim has become a hero in the eyes of the protesters since the abduction on 27 January. Ghonim was the administrator of the Facebook page "We are all Khaled Said" a major mobilization instruments used by opponents of the regime. Ghonim said he did not want to be known as the site administrator and denied being a hero: we are all heroes in the street.
However, mistrust has grown between the parties and indeed the situation in Egypt is to use Gramscian language on a "balance catastrophic." May end in a process of democratic transition likely to hit and hard. Or you can restore blood and fire mubarakiano Pharaoh.
But Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions have opened a year that has many of the signs a resemblance to the Global 1968. With its lights and shadows.
http://gustavogordillo.blogspot.com/
http://twitter.com/gusto47
What's common between a 26 years one of nine children and dedicated to driving a peddler of fruits and vegetables in a village in the interior of the Tunisian Republic and a young blogger Alexandria brutally murdered by the police? The anger against impunity and have played the role of catalysts of the largest social movement in the modern Arab world.
face of popular demonstrations of state power always responds the same way. First comes the phase of "total denial", are small riots. Of young "rebels and misunderstood." Then the ridiculous accusations that protesters are "used and manipulated by those who hate our country." Set this to Communism, Islam and any "ism" to express at that time the national authorities phobias and / or global. Third Instead, the "new game" to do something to stay in power. The same people who have violated existing law much to argue legal issues more difficult and complicated transformations resulting from the mobilization. And, if by then not been appeased or split the opposition, then either an act of force or take to their heels. By then it will have taken a heavy toll in dead, wounded and injured the stubbornness of the dictator, the charismatic leader, or oligarchic.
the side of social movements, Carlos Monsivais said that those who have mobilized to overcome three obstacles. The hurdle of apathy which is the main barrier between the citizen who feels wronged but is not prepared to act against this situation: what good is protest, nothing will be achieved. The second obstacle is the fear of ridicule, what will they say: look at them trying to challenge Goliath with a few nuts. The third obstacle is the real fear and documented measures against the regime can be taken against dissidents. We tend to believe that these schemes especially those who have held power for so long are indestructible and the best thing is to agree a compromise with the powers to confront.
This booklet not known both in terms of powers as the side of the movement, it ceases to amaze when I see one developed in the most unlikely places as seemed to be the Arab world.
ACT ONE: THE REVOLUTION OF JASMINE
Everything has a limit to the patience of a people who like the Tunisian who suffered 30 years of dictatorship "benevolent" Habib Bourguiba, the father of the nation who fought for independence of that country. Then came 23 years of the police regime and kleptomaniac who established his Interior Minister after giving a palace coup with the promise to provide "prompt" a democratic regime, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali.
Some lessons from the Tunisian movement still is now looking for a better deal for democratic transition:
dictatorship, or authoritarianism is tolerated by the majority of the population, provided the dissidents will be imprisoned, exiled or killed, until it is combined with impunity, lack of opportunities for personal growth, famine and impudence corruptor. Trebulsi family of Tunisian dictator's wife as a public good could be alienated, privatized national resources and made outlandish acts such as sending the presidential plane to Saint Tropez in southern France to bring Americans to serve your guests ice cream desserts. Wiki-leaks thanks to a number of Tunisian-more than half the population lives on less than two dollars a day, they learned the vagaries of the dictator's family.
An authoritarian or dictatorial regime falls when the military decides that it is not worth embarking on a widespread crackdown. Rachid Ammar the commander in chief who refused to open fire on protesters precipitated the fall of the dictator. As the French journalist Jean Daniel "If the army gets up power no longer can. In the instant that their disobedience was announced the most insightful realized that Ben Ali was finished." (El País, Sunday 23)
No nation is genetically or culturally alien to the democratic aspirations. Two French commentators Daniel and Jean-Henri Levy says it forcefully, knowing that much of this skepticism towards Arabs and Muslims regarding their quest for democracy and human rights support has been generated in the political and intellectual circles in developed countries. Bernard Henri Levy, the director of the magazine La Règle Jeu said: "It takes a lot of contempt for not seeing in this region of the world nothing but lackeys villages left to their exotic lethargy" (El País, 23 January).
Heroism actors almost always unexpected. A 26 year old brother of nine and a home run by an abandoned mother, dedicated to the sale of fruits and vegetables, occasionally taking classes especially for the use of computers is attacked by a minor official of a small town in a predominantly rural region. The officer leading the destruction of peddler because he refused to give the proverbial bite and to add insult to injury slaps. The boy goes to the mayor's office to raise a complaint becomes the official finding of yore who told him who was going to pay attention to a nobody. Mohammed left the building Bouzazi bought a 5 liter tank of gasoline and blew himself up in front of two policemen on 17 December. He died on January 4 this year without realizing that it was a folk hero.
Movement spread from the periphery to the center of this country, thanks to extensive use of the computer and especially Twitter and Facebook. The most interesting international network of cyber-activists who had brought down ANONYMOUS sites Visa and Mastercard because of its refusal to receive donations for Wiki Leaks took action on January 4 attacked the authoritarian government sites and blocked.
ACT II: THE WRATH OF A PEOPLE
Khalid Said a young Egyptian under 28 years old - 68% of Arabs are under 30 years, according to United Nations figures in Egypt are nearly third of more than 80 million people-was in an internet cafe in Alexandria when suddenly entered into a civilian police officers allegedly looking for drugs but actually demanding money. When he refused they began to hit until he was killed. Thanks to several human rights groups denounced the murder and began a campaign on Facebook, a page named Khalid Said "We are all to honor his memory through vigils and low concentrations until it reached 375000 subscribers to the Facebook page. In this context, several opposition groups including the April 6 youth movement called for a demonstration on 25 January. The second grand march, the march of anger, took place the following Friday, January 28, following a series guidelines involving logistics, since it is a day of prayers under Muslim worship, mosques and organizations wishing to converge after the Liberation Square. The best-known opposition figure Mohammed Al-Baradei, who was director general between 1997 and 2009 of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was also summoned to a mosque from where he moved the main square. At the same time young people started a campaign called "hug a soldier looking for consorting with the army which by then was on the streets. Meanwhile
dictator Mubarak quietly bans demonstrations, interrupt Internet and all forms of electronic exchange. Then he blames his ministers were named run and first vice-president, the chief of the secret services and a premier general aviation. Also run to the hated minister of interior who controls the shock troops "by an informal army of nearly a million informers, rappers and thugs. Calls for a dialogue to the way in 1968 in Mexico called for dialogue Diaz Ordaz on 1 August from Guadalajara in his famous speech of the "outstretched hand."
military leaders after declaring on Monday 31 will not use force against demonstrators. Then the secret police and shock troops are sent to confront the protesters and for three days, from first to February 3, the violence rages, but the protesters resisted and maintained. After the rally called "Let him go" on Friday April redeclares Mubarak now to declare that they will re-elect in September and will go to elections, his son, but he fears for the stability of the country.
INTERMEDIATE: THE SAD PLIGHT OF YOUNG
According to the report of the International Labour Organization (ILO) United Nations, "Job prospects for 2011, the number of unemployed youth, between 15 and 24 years- estimated at 77.7 million in 2010. The overall number of young unemployed in 2010 reached 12.6%. Yet unemployment rates underestimate the extent to which the economic crisis has impacted the participation of youth in the workforce. Among 56 countries with current data there are 1.7 million fewer young people in the labor market than predicted according to long-term trends, which is illustrated with a number of young people continue to simply give up looking for work.
ACT THREE: THE CENTRAL DILEMMA: MOBILIZATIONS VERSUS INSTITUTIONS?
After nearly three decades of structural reforms and drastic changes in the world including the recent economics crisis, should be made clear something else obvious, namely that any small or large company is usually a dynamic human construction. Conflicts and tensions are not the exception but the rule. It is even more evident that these conflicts will be presented more dramatically in the current environment where companies are engaged in profound changes in both global and local bill. Just in these situations is critical to seek to establish a strong link between informal institutions and organizations engaged both at the national, subregional and local levels, an important role in conflict resolution. It is this bridge that can guarantee the transformation of protests and social conflicts in innovation, experimentation and institutional solutions, particularly when it comes to transitions between authoritarian and democratic forms of government. I call this process as social mobilization as a means of producing institutions.
Obviously not all social mobilization institutional innovation becomes in fact the movement contains within itself, almost by definition, disruptive high risk. In countries like Egypt that is spurred by strong risk factors influenced the confluence of various joints: a structural inequality that comes from afar, a rapid process of change eroding social cohesion and impact cultural certainties, and a dictatorial regime frozen in the past. The alternative seems, therefore, rest on the ability to process basic agreements and direct intervention. Of course there are two crucial factors: strategic clarity at least part of the group leader and strategic patience is also a significant part of the leadership of the opposition.
In Egypt the forces struggling for democracy are now confronted with this central dilemma: how to advance the negotiations without reducing the social pressure to reach a tipping point in terms of dismantling the central spring authoritarianism? How to build from mobilization social institutions, ie the game to ensure democratic transit?
In negotiations on Sunday the government has committed two errors. First assume that the representatives here present "represented" the whole movement. And second, suppose that had a mandate to decide on behalf of the movement at that meeting. This gross error or maneuver typical of authoritarian regimes led the government announced hours after the meeting with great fanfare the "agreements" that had been reached. Seen by themselves are undoubtedly a break capital with the Mubarak regime's practices. Involve commitments to change the constitution, release political prisoners, modify the fraudulent acts in elections last year through the Court of Cassation, freedom of expression in the media, confirmed that neither seek nor his son Mubarak's presidency Egypt, formation of a committee of eminent persons to monitor compliance with agreements and lift the state of emergency has existed for 30 years in Egypt "when they leave the security threats of Egyptian society."
The answer in the street, between groups of demonstrators and the various small groups organized including the Muslim Brotherhood has been however, rejection despite the progress they represent, not only because they avoid the central issue Mubarak's departure but also the way these negotiations have taken more like a monologue with a way for partners government ..
The situation presents a twofold problem: a government used to "divide, co-opt and demoralize the opponents," as The Economist and a ruthless use of repression and opposition weakened by repression and a huge generational gap between young people who have emerged from these demonstrations as the new leadership emerging and the old guard who endured repression and sometimes compromise with the government. A businessman Naguib Sawiris is part of a "committee of wise men" formed to facilitate negotiations with the government, praised the opposition as the new power in Egypt but urged them to provide leadership with which to negotiate.
precisely in the middle of a situation that changes from minute to minute two institutional arrangements have emerged from the protest. One is, the dialogue committee was named after by the media as the "committee of wise men" headed by former board director of human rights Kamal Abul-Magd, and composed of 30 non-partisan public figures prominently including Ambassador Nabil Al-Araby, a former judge of the International Court of Justice and member of the management of the Institute for International Peace d based in Stockholm. This committee also includes a prominent law professor, Yehia Al-Gamal, former Egyptian ambassador to the United States Nabil Fahmy, and current Dean of the School of Public Policy at the American University in Cairo. Includes Coptic religion businessman, Naguib Sawiris, as well as the chief editor of Egypt, Ibrahim El-Moalem. Among Sawiris and El-Moalem, has influence on two satellite television stations, or TV, and On TV (Sawiris), and the newspaper, Al-Shorouk (El-Moalem), means that they have openly supported the opposition movement. The
another crucial institutional arrangement has been the formation of a committee of five youth organizations instrumental in driving the movement and called Management Unified Revolutionary Youth Angered: April 6 movement, the campaign in support AlBaradei and democracy, Campaign door to door (door-knock campaign), the youth of the Muslim Brotherhood and the youth movement of the Democratic Front party. It was this committee formed to coordinate the actions of movement throughout the country who envisioned the idea of \u200b\u200bthe remarkable group and invited them to join him.
The situation is further aggravated by the same geopolitical role first order that Egypt has played in maintaining that state of "neither peace nor war" that prevails between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Indeed, no less shameful behavior of major powers in recent weeks. France received as a hero of the fatherland Tunisian dictator for 23 years decided to freeze their bank accounts probably heavy and refused to grant him asylum, for that is the real evil empire, Saudi Arabia, and Germany until last week was the main supplier of arms to Egypt decided to suspend sales. The perfidious Albion after 30 years required to leave early but that it "in a dignified manner" the dictator Mubarak. And the United States now wants to teach democracy to the same tyrants who prohijó. Clearly that is not entirely the responsibility of Cameron, Sarkozy, Merkel, Clinton and Obama. But if their regimes. So that the least you should do before anything else-and that surely would have a greater effect of democratization in the world, would take away from the policies of his predecessors who sacrificed democracy to their geopolitical interests.
Among the many ominous signs one more that is positive. Wael Ghonim, a Google manager in the Middle East appeared tearful in a television interview just hours after his release in which he described how he spent 12 days kidnapped and blindfolded by police forces. Ghonim has become a hero in the eyes of the protesters since the abduction on 27 January. Ghonim was the administrator of the Facebook page "We are all Khaled Said" a major mobilization instruments used by opponents of the regime. Ghonim said he did not want to be known as the site administrator and denied being a hero: we are all heroes in the street.
However, mistrust has grown between the parties and indeed the situation in Egypt is to use Gramscian language on a "balance catastrophic." May end in a process of democratic transition likely to hit and hard. Or you can restore blood and fire mubarakiano Pharaoh.
But Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions have opened a year that has many of the signs a resemblance to the Global 1968. With its lights and shadows.
http://gustavogordillo.blogspot.com/
http://twitter.com/gusto47
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